The Political Economy of Retail Misalignment

Contextualizing the Commercial Rift: Reconstruction to Modern Redlining

The socioeconomic friction between Black consumers and Asian-American business owners in urban centers is not an accidental cultural clash, but the deliberate structural consequence of over a century of banking policies, municipal neglect, and spatial segregation. ^{[1, 2]} The roots of this commercial dynamic date back to the Reconstruction era, when Chinese-owned grocery stores first began operating in the rural South, selling essential goods to newly emancipated Black Americans. ^[1] During the Jim Crow era, Chinese grocers in Augusta, Georgia, occupied a highly precarious position within the rigid, binary system of racial segregation. ^{[3, 4]} Tracing their experiences reveals a complex negotiation of white supremacy, anti-Black racism, and Chinese patriarchy, which established an early historical precedent of non-Black ethnic minorities operating small commercial enterprises within segregated Black residential spaces. ^{[3, 4, 5]}

The modern urban configuration of these misaligned markets was codified during the mid-twentieth century through systemic banking discrimination. ^{[1, 6]} Beginning in the 1960s, mainstream financial institutions systematically denied business and mortgage loans to Black entrepreneurs, redlining Black neighborhoods as “high risk” and locking residents out of local capital. ^{[1, 6]} Simultaneously, banking institutions blocked newly arrived Asian immigrants from establishing commercial enterprises in affluent white suburbs. ^[1] However, these same banks were willing to extend credit and loans to Asian entrepreneurs on the condition that they set up shop within low-income Black neighborhoods. ^{[1, 6]} This selective credit extension created a profound economic barrier: local Black residents who possessed the desire and community knowledge to open neighborhood shops were systematically denied capital, while Asian immigrants were structurally funneled into these commercial spaces as the sole viable retail operators. ^{[1, 6]}

The resulting arrangement gave rise to what legal scholars define as “ethnically segmented and misaligned” (ESM) markets, where the consuming base belongs to one ethnic group while the merchant class belongs to an entirely different, non-resident group. ^{[7, 8]} Sociological theory characterizes these merchants as “middleman minorities”—itinerant or immigrant groups who occupy an intermediate economic niche between the dominant white majority and marginalized minority groups. ^{[7, 9]} Because these business owners rarely reside in the neighborhoods where they operate, their stores become sites of geographic wealth extraction. ^{[1, 10, 11]}

Every dollar spent on rent, maintenance, and product suppliers is immediately funneled out of the local economy, preventing the recirculation of wealth and exacerbating urban disinvestment. ^{[1, 10, 12]} The visible concentration of foreign-owned retail operations on neighborhood street corners fosters deep local resentment, positioning the middleman merchants as highly vulnerable targets of community frustration while shielding the financial and political institutions that engineered the misalignment from direct accountability. ^{[1, 2]}

The Political Economy of Ethnic Beauty: Collusion and the ESM Framework

The structural dynamics of the ethnically segmented and misaligned market are most visible within the multi-billion-dollar ethnic hair and beauty supply industry. ^{[8, 13, 14]} Although Black consumers generate the vast majority of demand and economic value in this market, the wholesale, manufacturing, and retail distribution channels are overwhelmingly dominated by Korean-American enterprises. ^{[13, 15, 16]} This monopoly was established in the late 1960s and 1970s when South Korea emerged as the primary global manufacturer and exporter of raw human and synthetic hair extensions. ^{[15, 17]} During this period, Korean women cut and sold their hair to fuel the domestic manufacturing sector, while the South Korean government actively partnered with immigrant exporters to secure economic incentives and dominate the international supply chain. ^{[15, 16]}

First-generation Korean-American immigrants transitioned from door-to-door wig sales to brick-and-mortar storefronts in urban Black neighborhoods during a period of intense “white flight,” capitalizing on abandoned inner-city retail properties. ^{[13, 15]} Over the subsequent decades, these merchants maintained their dominance through highly coordinated, co-ethnic business practices. ^{[7, 8, 14]} Felix B. Chang’s research on ESM markets argues that Korean dominance is preserved not merely by cultural or rotational credit advantages, but through deliberate vertical collusion and horizontal exclusion. ^{[7, 8, 14]}

Korean-owned trade associations, distributors, and manufacturing networks coordinate to protect their market share from out-group competitors. ^{[7, 8, 17]} Wholesalers regularly deny product access to Black entrepreneurs, citing territorial protection agreements or imposing cost-prohibitive account minimums that small, independent retailers cannot meet. ^{[13, 18]}

When Black-owned beauty supply stores attempt to open, they are frequently shut out of the supply chain for premium hair extension brands, as Korean distributors prioritize established co-ethnic retailers. ^[13] This vertical integration has created a functional retail cartel. ^{[7, 17]} While individual Korean retailers compete fiercely with one another on price and location, they collaborate to stymie Black-owned start-ups, preserving the ethnic misalignment of the market. ^{[7, 8]}

This collusive structure challenges conventional antitrust paradigms. ^{[7, 8, 14]} Under traditional antitrust doctrine, market power is measured at the individual firm level, and coordination among thousands of small, independent merchants is assumed to be unstable. ^{[7, 8]} However, ESM markets demonstrate that sociological co-ethnic bonds can stabilize collusive networks over decades, effectively locking Black entrepreneurs out of their own consumer market. ^{[7, 8, 14]}

Because the legal system has historically failed to address these ethnically exclusive supply networks under standard antitrust laws, Black consumers and entrepreneurs have turned to collective economic action. ^{[7, 17]} In this context, the “Buy Black” movement serves as a grassroots regulatory intervention, utilizing expressive retail boycotts to dismantle exclusionary supply chains and force market integration. ^[17]

Chronicling the Flashpoints: Physical Confrontations and Urban Boycotts

The history of Black-led boycotts against Asian-owned businesses in the United States is marked by periodic flashpoints where local customer-merchant disputes escalate into citywide or nationwide political movements. ^{[9, 20]} These confrontations often occur in retail environments characterized by heavy customer surveillance, where Black shoppers report feeling unwelcome or actively targeted by store employees. ^{[18, 21, 22]} When these underlying daily frictions erupt into physical violence, the local community often responds with sustained boycotts, demanding economic self-determination and political accountability. ^{[20, 23, 24]}

The Family Red Apple Boycott of 1990

In January 1990, an argument erupted at the Family Red Apple grocery store in the Flatbush section of Brooklyn, New York, between the Korean-American store owner and a Haitian-American customer, Giselaine Fetissainte, over the payment of produce. ^{[25, 26]} Fetissainte alleged that she was searched, struck, and injured by three employees, while the store manager maintained that no assault occurred and that the customer had refused to pay. ^[25]

The incident catalyzed Brooklyn’s Black nationalist and Haitian immigrant communities. ^{[20, 25]} Led by local activists Sonny Carson and George Edward Tait, the community launched a highly organized, 17-to-18-month boycott of the store and a neighboring Korean-owned fruit stand, Church Fruits. ^{[20, 25, 26]}

The protest quickly assumed an explicitly nationalist character, with demonstrators carrying signs reading “don’t shop with people who don’t look like us” and demanding the transfer of the properties to Black ownership. ^{[25, 26, 33]} The boycott exposed deep racial and political fissures in New York City. ^[25] Mayor David Dinkins, elected as a racial healer, faced intense criticism for his administrative paralysis and initial refusal to enforce a court order barring picketers from gathering within fifty feet of the stores. ^{[25, 33]}

The NYPD refrained from enforcing the injunction, classifying the blockade as a civil dispute, while the Korean Produce Association stepped in to financially subsidize the targeted merchants at a rate of $8,000 per month. ^{[25, 26]} The boycott finally ended in 1991 when the owner of Family Red Apple sold his lease to another Korean-American operator, prompting an immediate resumption of customer traffic and illustrating the limitations of localized boycotts that do not alter the systemic ethnic control of the retail supply chain. ^[25]

The 1992 Los Angeles Uprising (Sa-I-Gu)

The most devastating escalation of Black-Asian tension occurred in Southern California. ^{[1, 2, 27]} In March 1991, convenience store owner Soon Ja Du fatally shot 15-year-old Latasha Harlins in the back of the head after a physical altercation sparked by a false accusation of shoplifting a bottle of orange juice. ^{[1, 27, 28]}

A jury convicted Du of voluntary manslaughter, but Superior Court Judge Joyce Karlin sentenced her to five years of probation, 400 hours of community service, and a $500 fine, with no prison time. ^[28] This lenient sentencing, handed down just a week before the 1992 Los Angeles Riots, deeply alienated the Black community, signaling that the judicial system did not value Black lives. ^{[1, 28]}

When a Simi Valley jury subsequently acquitted four white LAPD officers in the beating of Rodney King, the city erupted in what Korean Americans refer to as *Sa-I-Gu* (April 29). ^[2] Due to systemic police disinvestment and the tactical redirection of law enforcement resources to protect affluent white neighborhoods, Koreatown and South Central Los Angeles were left undefended. ^{[2, 28]}

Korean-owned businesses became the primary targets of property destruction and looting. ^{[2, 27]} In total, the Korean-American community sustained the loss of over 2,300 businesses and incurred $350 million in property damage, representing approximately 45% of the total financial losses of the uprising. ^{[2, 27, 28]}

The disaster also prompted the immediate collapse of the Black-Korean Alliance (BKA), a municipal mediation group established in 1986 that had suffered from internal disorganization, lack of funding, and an inability to address the structural class and racial disparities dividing the communities. ^[9]

The 2017 Missha Beauty Store Boycotts

In March 2017, a viral cellphone video captured Sung Ho Lim, the manager of Missha Beauty in Charlotte, North Carolina, physically assaulting, kicking, and placing an unidentified Black female customer in a prolonged chokehold after falsely accusing her of stealing a pair of fake eyelashes. ^{[21, 22, 23]}

The video triggered widespread community outrage, prompting immediate protests led by the local NAACP branch and the Nation of Islam. ^[23] Protesters demanded Lim’s immediate termination and called for a nationwide boycott of the Missha Beauty retail chain. ^{[21, 23]}

Demonstrations quickly spread to the chain’s sister locations, including the Bronzeville neighborhood on the South Side of Chicago. ^{[21, 23]} In Chicago, local organizers utilized the outrage to directly promote the “Buy Black” movement, distributing flyers with the addresses of nearby Black-owned beauty supply alternatives and chanting for the permanent closure of the Missha storefront. ^[21]

Although the corporate spokespersons for the store attempted to highlight their past philanthropic contributions—such as Thanksgiving turkey giveaways and winter coat drives—organizers rejected these gestures as superficial corporate public relations. ^[21] The movement emphasized that real economic justice required the repatriation of capital through Black retail ownership rather than seasonal charity. ^[21]

The Cyrus Carmack-Belton Tragedy and the 2026 Acquittal

The tension between commercial property defense and the devaluation of Black lives culminated in another tragedy in Richland County, South Carolina. ^{[24, 29, 31]} In May 2023, Chikei Rick Chow, the 61-year-old Asian-American owner of an Xpress Mart Shell station, shot and killed 14-year-old Cyrus Carmack-Belton in the back during a foot chase. ^{[24, 31, 34]}

Chow and his son had falsely suspected the teenager of stealing four small bottles of water, which surveillance footage proved Carmack-Belton had actually returned to the cooler. ^{[24, 31, 34]} Despite the fact that Carmack-Belton was running away and was shot in the back 130 yards from the store, Chow’s defense lawyers argued the shooting was a justified act of self-defense, claiming the teenager possessed a pistol and had pointed it at Chow’s son. ^{[24, 31, 34]}

On June 1, 2026, a South Carolina jury acquitted Chow of all murder charges, triggering immediate outrage among local civil rights activists and Richland County’s Black community, which comprises nearly half of the local population. ^{[24, 30, 31]}

The acquittal served as a major catalyst for the “Buy Black” movement, prompting national figures to call for a systematic financial withdrawal from Asian-owned businesses. ^{[24, 29, 32]} Notably, Pastor Jamal Bryant, senior pastor of the New Birth Missionary Baptist Church, publicly urged his followers and congregation to launch a comprehensive boycott of Asian-owned enterprises, including beauty supply stores, convenience stores, and nail salons. ^{[29, 32]}

Bryant’s call was amplified by a viral video from an Asian social media creator who mocked the Black community’s calls for boycotts, claiming that Asian businesses did not rely on Black dollars to maintain their economic stability and challenging Black women to do their own manicures and pedicures. ^{[29, 32]}

Bryant and supporting activists, such as rapper Mysonne, framed the boycott not merely as an emotional reaction to the judicial miscarriage of justice, but as a strategic “test” of economic independence. ^[29] They argued that until the Black community demonstrated its willingness to withdraw its significant purchasing power, its consumers would continue to be surveilled, mistreated, and taken for granted by outside merchants. ^{[29, 35]}

Generational Reshuffling and the Operational Realities of Black-Owned Alternatives

While retail boycotts have historically served as immediate, expressive responses to violence, long-term economic transformation is increasingly driven by structural shifts within both the Korean-American and Black-American communities. ^{[13, 15]} The traditional Korean-American hegemony over the beauty supply sector is undergoing a natural decline, primarily due to generational transitions. ^[15]

First-generation Korean immigrants established these stores under extreme economic constraints, working demanding schedules of eleven hours a day, seven days a week. ^[15] Having achieved upward socioeconomic mobility, these founders actively discourage their college-educated, second-generation children from entering the retail beauty trade, urging them instead to pursue corporate, medical, or legal professions with a better work-life balance. ^[15]

Industry experts project that Korean-American ownership of beauty supply stores, which once hovered around 70% to 75%, will drop below 30% within the next decade. ^[15] This generational exit is opening a commercial path for Black entrepreneurs to reclaim ownership of a retail market where they comprise the overwhelming majority of the consumer base. ^[15]

Organizations like the Black Owned Beauty Supply Association (BOBSA), founded in 2003, have been instrumental in this transition, actively working to bypass traditional Korean distribution networks and build direct supply channels with manufacturers. ^{[11, 15, 36]} According to trade estimates, there are now approximately 3,000 Black-owned beauty supply stores operating nationwide. ^{[15, 18]}

However, entering this market remains exceptionally difficult for Black entrepreneurs, who must navigate systemic barriers that do not affect their competitors. ^[19]

Black-founded beauty brands raise a median of only $13 million in venture capital, compared to the $20 million median raised by non-Black brands, despite returning significantly higher median revenues over the same periods. ^[19] Additionally, mainstream retail spaces carry very few Black-owned products, with Black brands representing only 2.5% of beauty industry revenues and occupying only 4% to 7% of shelf space in specialty beauty stores. ^[19]

This systemic lack of representation is reflected in consumer sentiment: Black consumers are three times more likely than non-Black consumers to report dissatisfaction with their retail haircare options, citing a lack of product knowledge and poor customer service in traditional stores. ^{[18, 19]}

To counter these structural hurdles, modern Black beauty supply owners are shifting their business strategies away from bulk-price competition toward curated, experiential retail models. ^{[12, 15]} Because new Black entrepreneurs cannot purchase inventory in the massive quantities required to secure the bulk discounts available to established Korean retailers, they are prioritizing consumer experience and “Black girl luxury” aesthetics. ^{[12, 15]}

Enterprises like Pink Noire Beauty Supply and Cosmetics in Memphis, Tennessee, and Urban Beauty Supply in Indianapolis, Indiana, have structured their retail layouts to mirror high-end cosmetic boutiques. ^{[12, 18]} By emphasizing expert product consultation, welcoming environments, and dedicated sections that highlight local, Black-owned product manufacturers, these businesses are turning the necessity of textured haircare into a celebrated cultural experience. ^{[12, 18]}

This strategic shift directly addresses the long-standing complaints of surveillance and hostility in traditional stores, offering a commercial model where the circulation of the “Black dollar” is explicitly tied to community empowerment and respect. ^{[12, 18, 21]}

Systemic Repercussions: Media Framing, Political Fallouts, and Cross-Racial Allyship

A critical factor in the persistence of Black-Asian tension is the role of the mainstream media and political actors in weaponizing these conflicts. ^{[1, 2, 20]} Throughout the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries, media coverage consistently framed localized customer-merchant disputes through a highly racialized lens, reducing complex structural issues to innate “cultural differences” or pathological “minority-on-minority hatred”. ^{[1, 2, 20]}

By depicting Black protesters as irrational, aggressive, and xenophobic, while portraying Asian store owners as helpless, apolitical victims, the media effectively criminalized collective economic protests and obscured their political dimensions. ^{[1, 20]}

This sensationalized narrative serves a dual purpose. ^{[1, 2]} First, it popularizes the “model minority” myth, utilizing the relative commercial success of Asian immigrants to justify the systemic disinvestment of Black communities, falsely suggesting that socioeconomic advancement is purely a function of cultural work ethic rather than unequal access to bank capital and loans. ^{[1, 2, 6]}

Second, it constructs a false zero-sum game between marginalized groups, deflecting accountability from the municipal planning boards, financial institutions, and judicial systems that engineered and continue to profit from retail segregation. ^{[1, 2]}

In response to this media manipulation, civil rights organizations from both communities are increasingly emphasizing the deep historical legacy of Black-Asian solidarity. ^{[30, 37]} This counter-narrative highlights key historical moments where the two groups aligned to fight systemic white supremacy ^{[30, 37, 38]}:

• **Opposition to the Chinese Exclusion Act (1869):** Abolitionist leader Frederick Douglass delivered his famous “Composite Nation” speech, actively condemning federal immigration restrictions and defending the civil rights of Chinese immigrants.[30, 39]

• **The Philippine-American War (1899):** Prominent Black activists, including Ida B. Wells, publicly condemned American imperial expansion, while several African-American soldiers deserted their units out of direct sympathy for the Filipino struggle against white supremacy.[39]

• **The Civil Rights Movement (1960s):** Asian-American activists like Yuri Kochiyama worked closely with Black power leaders, including Malcolm X, to build cross-racial alliances for civil rights and liberation.[30, 38]

• **Modern Activism (1970s–Present):** Grace Lee Boggs and James Boggs co-founded numerous local activist organizations in Detroit, establishing a model for cross-racial collaboration on urban labor and community empowerment.[38]

Following the 2026 acquittal of Chikei Rick Chow in South Carolina, national advocacy groups like Stop AAPI Hate issued public statements explicitly condemning the verdict as a miscarriage of justice. ^{[30, 40]} These organizations are calling for deep self-reflection within Asian-American communities regarding anti-Black racism, arguing that selective media coverage must not be allowed to divide the two groups. ^[30]

By rejecting both anti-Black and anti-Asian violence, these modern coalitions are advocating for non-carceral community safety programs, restorative justice, and cooperative economic projects. ^{[30, 41]} They maintain that real community safety cannot be achieved through armed property defense or police surveillance, but must be built through shared economic development and an unwavering, unified struggle against systemic inequality. ^{[30, 38, 41]}

Structural and Strategic Conclusions

The “Buy Black” movement, as manifested through the targeted boycotting of Asian-owned businesses, is not merely a collection of isolated consumer choices or an expression of interethnic friction. ^{[1, 20]} It is a rational, structural response to a deeply compromised retail ecosystem. ^{[1, 7, 8]} Understood through the lenses of economic history and urban sociology, several critical conclusions emerge regarding the future of these communities:

• **Boycotts as Informal Antitrust Enforcement:** Expressive boycotts in ethnically segmented and misaligned markets act as a form of non-governmental antitrust regulation.[7, 17] In the absence of federal intervention against ethnically exclusive retail cartels, consumer withdrawal is the primary mechanism available to break collusive supply chains and force market access for Black-owned enterprises.[7, 17]

• **The Limitations of Consumer-Side Interventions:** While consumer boycotts can successfully close individual stores or generate short-term political crises, they do not resolve the underlying systemic capital deficit.[6, 10, 25] True economic repatriation requires vertical integration.[10, 13] Black community leaders and investors must focus on building independent, Black-owned manufacturing plants, distribution hubs, and banking institutions to completely bypass exclusionary supply chains.[10, 13, 29]

• **Leveraging Generational Real Estate Shifts:** The natural retirement of first-generation Korean-American beauty supply owners provides a unique, non-confrontational window for wealth transfer.[15] Rather than relying on hostile commercial displacement, community development corporations (CDCs) should establish transition funds to facilitate the orderly purchase of these properties and wholesale networks by local Black entrepreneurs, ensuring that valuable business infrastructure is preserved and transferred smoothly.[15]

• **Dismantling the Carceral Storefront:** The tragic deaths of Latasha Harlins and Cyrus Carmack-Belton illustrate the lethal dangers of treating minor retail theft as a capital offense.[24, 27, 31] Retailers operating in marginalized communities must abandon hyper-surveillance models and armed property defense.[21, 24, 31] Real store security is achieved through community integration, local hiring practices, and the cultivation of mutual respect between store staff and the neighborhood youth.[1, 9, 27]

• **Systemic Capital Reform:** Ultimately, retail friction cannot be resolved at the counter without correcting the underlying financial policies of municipal banking systems.[1, 6] Federal and state regulatory bodies must aggressively enforce fair-lending laws, penalizing banks that continue to deny commercial loans to Black-owned businesses in their own neighborhoods.[1, 6] Only when the capital access gap is closed will the market self-correct, replacing extractive middleman monopolies with authentic, locally owned commerce that reinvests in the community.[1, 6, 10]

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1. EST Articles | The Cost of Asian-Owned Businesses in Black Neighborhoods, https://www.easternstandardtimes.com/article/asian-businesses-black-neighborhoods

2. “Black Korea” and the Thrust of Collective Trauma – Brown Political Review, https://brownpoliticalreview.org/black-korea-collective-trauma/

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5. Blurring The Color Line – America ReFramed | All Episode Broadcast Times, https://nhpbs.org/schedule/summary.aspx?progId=AmericaReFramed1104

6. CMV: Demanding a boycott of Asian businesses in response to an individual is just racism., https://www.reddit.com/r/changemyview/comments/1u0ca9f/cmv_demanding_a_boycott_of_asian_businesses_in/

7. Ethnically Segmented Markets: Korean-owned Black Hair Stores – Racism.org, https://racism.org/articles/basic-needs/economic-issues-and-race/10184-ethnically-segmented

8. “Ethnically Segmented Markets: Korean-Owned Black Hair Stores” by Felix B. Chang, https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/ilj/vol97/iss2/2/

9. African American–Korean American relations – Wikipedia, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/African_American%E2%80%93Korean_American_relations

10. Korean ownership, Black dollars. Let’s talk about Beauty Supply Stores : r/blackladies – Reddit, https://www.reddit.com/r/blackladies/comments/1tzsspp/korean_ownership_black_dollars_lets_talk_about/

11. Black Beauty Supplies — Are They a Myth? Why do Koreans own most? – ThePuffCuff, https://thepuffcuff.com/blogs/news/black-beauty-supplies-are-they-a-myth-why-do-koreans-own-most

12. Beauty Supply Store Owner Hopes To Reclaim Black Beauty Industry – Memphis Flyer, https://www.memphisflyer.com/beauty-supply-store-owner-hopes-to-reclaim-black-beauty-industry/

13. Roots of tension: race, hair, competition and black beauty stores | MPR News, https://www.mprnews.org/story/2017/04/25/black-beauty-shops-korean-suppliers-roots-of-tension-mn

14. Ethnically Segmented Markets: Korean-Owned Black Hair Stores – Digital Repository @ Maurer Law, https://www.repository.law.indiana.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=11443&context=ilj

15. Black Hair Supplies, Once A Korean Business, Shifts To Black …, https://www.wosu.org/news/2018-07-26/black-hair-supplies-once-a-korean-business-shifts-to-black-ownership

16. June 2006 | blackfilm.com | reviews | film | BlackHair DVD, http://www.blackfilm.com/20060630/reviews/blackhair.shtml

17. RACIALLY COLLUSIVE BOYCOTTS: AFRICAN-AMERICAN PURCHASING POWER IN THE WIGS AND HAIR EXTENSIONS MARKET – Boston University, https://www.bu.edu/bulawreview/files/2022/05/CHANG-RAKHRA-THOMPSON.pdf

18. Black representation matters: Urban Beauty Supply – Indianapolis Recorder, https://indianapolisrecorder.com/black-representation-matters-urban-beauty-supply/

19. Black representation in the beauty industry – McKinsey, https://www.mckinsey.com/industries/consumer-packaged-goods/our-insights/black-representation-in-the-beauty-industry

20. “No Justice, No Peace!”: The Politics of Black-Korean Conflict – ScholarWorks at UMass Boston, https://scholarworks.umb.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1114&context=trotter_review

21. Missha store in Bronzeville draws protests – The Chicago Crusader, https://chicagocrusader.com/missha-store-bronzeville-draws-protests/

22. Black-Asian animosity is an American tradition | The Outline, https://theoutline.com/post/1351/black-asian-conflict-beauty-supply

23. Bad hair day: Viral video ignites boycott of Asian-owned beauty supply stores – New York Amsterdam News, https://amsterdamnews.com/news/2017/03/23/bad-hair-day-viral-video-ignites-boycott-asian-own/

24. The ‘Black Church’ responds to acquittal of store owner in shooting death of Black teen | South Carolina Public Radio, https://www.southcarolinapublicradio.org/sc-news/2026-06-04/the-black-church-responds-to-acquittal-of-store-owner-in-shooting-death-of-black-teen

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29. Pastor Jamal Bryant Urges Supporters to Boycott Asian-Owned …, https://www.wbls.com/news/pastor-jamal-bryant-urges-supporters-to-boycott-asian-owned-stores/

30. Stop AAPI Hate Condemns the Shooting of Cyrus Carmack-Belton, and Calls for Cross-Racial Solidarity, https://stopaapihate.org/2026/06/09/stop-aapi-hate-condemns-the-shooting-of-cyrus-carmack-belton-and-calls-for-cross-racial-solidarity/

31. Trial begins for South Carolina store owner who fatally shot teen | AP News, https://apnews.com/article/teen-killed-gas-station-shooting-south-carolina-944b5eead42e311418ed71ccaa32eb4a

32. Dr. Jamal Bryant Hints At Boycotting Asian-Owned Businesses – Black Enterprise, https://www.blackenterprise.com/dr-jamal-bryant-boycott-asian-businesses/

33. Reflections on Crown Heights, 30 Years Later – Manhattan Institute, https://manhattan.institute/article/reflections-on-crown-heights-30-years-later

34. Trial begins for SC store owner accused of fatally shooting Black teen, https://www.southcarolinapublicradio.org/sc-news/2026-05-27/trial-begins-for-sc-store-owner-accused-of-fatally-shooting-black-teen

35. We shouldn’t boycott asian communities off of one case aka Rick chow : r/blackladies, https://www.reddit.com/r/blackladies/comments/1u1r72n/we_shouldnt_boycott_asian_communities_off_of_one/

36. 32 Black Professional Organizations and Associations – Climb Credit, https://climbcredit.com/resources/careers/black-professional-associations-organizations/

37. Combatting Anti-Blackness: Resources for the Asian American Community, https://www.advancingjustice-aajc.org/publication/combatting-anti-blackness-resources-asian-american-community

38. Asian Americans and African Americans: Points of Unity and Discord | Rise Up for Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders – Spotlight Exhibits, https://exhibits.stanford.edu/riseup/feature/asian-americans-and-african-americans-points-of-unity-and-discord

39. 7 moments of Asian American and Black American solidarity – KNSI, https://knsiradio.com/2025/12/10/7-moments-of-asian-american-and-black-american-solidarity/

40. Home – Stop AAPI Hate Action, https://stopaapihate.org/

41. Why the trope of Black-Asian conflict in the face of anti-Asian violence dismisses solidarity, https://www.brookings.edu/articles/why-the-trope-of-black-asian-conflict-in-the-face-of-anti-asian-violence-dismisses-solidarity/